ANALYSE SUR LE ZAÏRE PAR UN GROUPE DE RÉFLEXION SITUATION UNCLEAR IN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (FORMER ZAIRE): GAMES AND ISSUES AROUND A TRAGEDY (NOTE ANALYSIS August 15, 1998).
For: "GROUP OF REFLECTION AND ANALYSIS ON ZAIRE"
Introduction.
Once again the Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire) is back on stage by media images of violence and desolation free, rebellions and attacks that never end and a purported release which was aborted. Indeed it is through the eastern province of Kivu that just left a new military campaign since August 2, 1998, by the same actors whose identification (Rwandan and Ugandan brandishing the card before the Tutsi "Banyamulenge") remains ambiguous at will but this time for another reason overthrow the Kabila's former allies accused of corruption, nepotism, mismanagement and lack of political vision. How to understand this sudden reversal of alliances formed under the blessing of some Western powers two years ago?.
How durable exit from the crisis with a predictable crisis circumstantial alliances forged diaries for specific regimes of Rwanda and Uganda the East of the former Zaire. To understand current developments in Congo Kabila's remember the nature of the coalition who gave birth in November 1996 the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (ADFL), because the progenitors of this organization each had an agenda accurate. For plans Tutsi in Kigali and Bujumbura he was under the successful handling of the alleged question of nationality of the Tutsi residents Zaïre1 to dismantle the camps of Hutu refugees in the Kivu provinces, to "cleanse" the border areas the former silence of former Rwandan armed forces to secure against any attempt to recapture any of their own, finally have some idea of expansion.
We know that migration (colonial transplanted between 1930-1947, refugees from 1958-1975, illegal, legal immigrants) and poor administrative and legislative matter by the Mobutu regime has created confusion in the political status between Rwandan and Zairian immigrant populations resulting in the issue of nationality.
But we think this question of domestic law need not be manipulated by foreign powers because they can not solve all by making them populations of toys they wish to enforce their military actions in favor of "globalization." land in Kigali to provide a reservoir of economic resources. Upon the occupation of Kivu systematic looting of infrastructure, precious metals, agro products, almost all of the cattle population (1 million head) of Kivu, vehicles began to date2. For the regime Hima of Uganda had to be cut supposed bases of its own rebellion raging WEST, who enjoyed support from ethnotransfrontalier Banande populations of North Kivu. Then help his protégé in power in Kigali, while getting rid of bulky Tutsi Rwandan militias who fought for the lead President Yoweri Museveni to power in 1986.
Without significant assistance given in many forms throughout the operation by the U.S. and Britain who wanted control of strategic mineral resources of the former Zaire, i1 is likely that the adventure would have petered out.
If this coalition, supported by extorting the population (with the phenomenon Kabila) and Mobutu's army who did not fight, arrived to take power Kinshasa, Kivu regions martyrs theaters all beginnings have remained unchecked by the power central.Gérard PRUNIER wrote "... triangular conflict persisted between "indigenous", the "Rwandans" and. Congolese armed forces who are most often composed of Baluba Katanga - by facing alliance fluctuating patterns, both among themselves and vis-à-vis rwandoougandais. (..) We can say that the Tutsi Rwandans working with Rwandan-Ugandan forces, the Hutu Rwandans to fight in alliance with the natives, and the FCC 'float' in the middle, trying rather badly as well - to restore a semblance of national control over the regional turbulence ... .
This looting has spread with the conquest of the country. In Kinshasa, for example between May to August 1997 and vehicles were looted and stored at Camp Kokolo Tshasthi and transported overnight on Ndjili airport where military cargo from Rwanda and boarded. Kabila has never denounced the looting, by cons will decide that for one year the import of cars was exempt from customs charges. At the beginning of the looting of Kivu read the evening of 3 March 1997, p.8 and Analysis Group and information on Zaire (GRAZ) "On the current war in Zaire (Note 11 March 1997, pp. Ll)" and "The War in Eastern Zaire: What about Manichaeism misleading? (Note of March 20, 1997, 3pp). weapons, information, advice and training, corruption of officials of Mobutu, psychological warfare ... see also Filip REYTJENS, "The rebellion in Congo-Zaire: a case of neighbors," in Herodotus.
Journal of Geography and Geopolitics, No. 86/87, 3rd quarter 1997, Paris, pp.57-77. To this is added various military assistance obtained from the inaction of the UN and former allies of Mobutu as France and Francophone African countries in mind, the mobilization of a coalition australoafricaine mostly in English for various contributions to "Operation Kabila. The crimes committed in the former Zaire and crimes "global." 5 Gerard Prunier, "Lust multiple Kivu. A powder keg at the heart of Congo - Kinshasa ", in Le Monde Diplomatique, July 1998, p.14. Agreements between the three regimes Kabila, Museveni and Kagame gave an almost absolute right to the Rwandan-Ugandan troops to enter Kivu when they wanted. In October 1997 the Deputy Minister of Interior of Kabila, Faustin Munene, said in Goma that the borders between Rwanda and DR Congo exist more because it felt the creators of these (apparently Habyarimana and Mobutu) no longer existed. This fanciful reading of history has allowed Uganda to set up a headquarters at 15 km inside the borders of Congo Ntaba in North Kivu to Kabila unopposed 6. The Rwandan-Ugandan occupied the eastern DRC over the past two years they have been the logical time and leisure to "cleanse" the region of their own rebels, as they massacred Rwandan refugees (200,000 according to the UN ) and Congolese (100,000 according to local estimates). Accuse Kabila of having not done this macabre is not justified, as the understanding of and U.S. governments declared belge7 vis-à-vis Kigali and Kampala because of an alleged insecure borders. The concentration of armed Rwandan-Ugandan Kivu and their attendant violations of human rights with impunity, more than elsewhere in the DRC, their total control over the political and economic life Local 8, the repression against the chiefs, however, that the 'social base is very strong in the population of Kivu have plunged this region completely marginalisée9 by the regime in the uprising anti-Kabila and anti occupation. 6 Africa Express, No. 172, Thursday, July 9, 1998, Paris, p.13. 7 read Colette Braeckman, "Erik Derycke understands the reasons for the rebellion," in THE EVENING 8-9 August 1998, p.8. See also the American Declaration of August 7, read by Mr Foley that explicitly does not deny foreign aggression, but is hiding behind a call for respect of human rights by opposing forces including foreign ones recognized in the statement. The case is heard. 8II is known that it is the Rwandan-Ugandan Tutsi who led the country with the arrival of Kabila. But they have always preferred the option they are appointed as assistants in all structures (power of Kabila, public enterprises). A parallel government functioned as President Kabila as the branches leaving the government without formal decision-making power to the apparatus for the Congolese.
The Congolese Armed Forces (FAC) were still made more than 70% by rwandoougandais (5,000 per province for a total of 55,000 soldiers for the eleven provinces) with the label "Banyamulenge". Mercenaries Ethiopian, Somali and erthyréens all took the same label. The political police were entirely directed by the Tutsi. In Kivu this logic of occupation was still pushed to the extreme. The thorny issue of citizenship was extended throughout the country. How to save Kabila does his throne against the foreign armies who know in detail the terrain and the condition of what remains of the FCC? 9 Although I paid a heavy price in blood (more than 100,000 Congolese) provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu have been excluded from power by Kabila.
In South Kivu government was represented by Professor Bishikwabo Chubaka, a drunkard and a personal friend of Tutsi Ruhimbika Muller, and the girl Mamboleo Milulu who had not yet finished his graduate degree. The Rwandan Bizimana Karaha Muheto is also said to be in this province. Kambale Mututulo, which will be decided later, represented the North Kivu doubled by the Rwandan Deogracias Bugera. The two Kivu have been excluded from the management of public enterprises, a decision of the aforementioned relay Rwanda, despite calls from the forces of these regions. Masasu Niganda (father of Congolese Mushi Bukavu and Rwandan Tutsi mother) agreed to despise his brothers Congolese Kivu. In October 1997 a reception organized by them at the Palais du Peuple in Kinshasa was dodged by Masasu in the final minute of the council " maternal uncles "of Rwanda. Emphasizing logical matriarchal in Tutsi Rwandan important at the expense of logic of patriarchal Kivutiens, Masasu deprived himself of a useful social base. He was arrested later as a simple thief after an attempted coup. In this field of power struggles and clashes ethno-regional non-regulated by a dictatorship, political staff and unrepresentative of public enterprises recruited by Kabila comes from some provinces. Space Bakongo (Bas-Zaire, Bandundu) to anchor in Kinshasa, Luba space (the two Kasai and North Katanga) and Tetela (including ethnicity Lumumba Kabila claims the political legacy), Ecuador (to calm the brothers of Mobutu) and of course the Rwandan-Ugandan clans under the label "Banyamulenge".
The question of foreign interference is thus central to the problem. It was long ignored or denied by President Kabila to his surprising decision of July 27, 1998 to "end the presence of Rwandan and Ugandan soldiers in the Congolese armed forces and other foreigners." But over the past year to Kabila changed his mind to apply the secret agreements Lemera, displaying more more a sense of Congolese nationalism, which had the consequence of the disgrace to the Rwandan and Ugandan sponsors who are most demanding. Disgrace because American multinationals also had financed have not found an environment conducive to achieving their control of Congolese mineral wealth. Kabila still rebel leader, had already sold off by contracts signed in a hurry in February 1997 with U.S. multinationals after the fall of Lubumbashi.
Three elements explain the reversal of Kabila. First indices coup plots and were manifested by clans Tutsi regime who felt aggrieved in a future distribution of political maps, which amounted to a political death and loss of influence in favor sub-regional clans and Katanga or marriage of the latter with the former Mobutu leaders. Then the strong internal challenge to its arbitrary political decisions taken by consensus and not his incompetent government of Kentucky chiken boys' 10. The public could only challenge the grip of ostentatious military and civilian foreigners in the country, while the secret negotiations with certain opponents (Tshisekedi Boboliko) failed because they required first the unconditional return of foreign troops. Finally international diplomacy Kabiles disorganized on purpose (and led by the Rwandan relay Bizimana Karaha Muheto) shone through interference with the powers (France, Belgium, European Union) may assist the Emergency Economic safe Reconstruction announced loudly remain stillborn. While it was already covered by the Americans who wanted some semblance of investigation, the ease with which Kabila has managed the issue of massacres of Rwandan Hutu refugees and Congolese calling him a little problem has weakened et privé des soutiens extérieurs qui l’auraient autonomisé des rwando-ougandais. Les récents rapports de la mission d’enquête de l’ONU et de la commission internationale non gouvernementalesur cette question discréditent et fragilisent d’avantage le régime. La décision de faire partir les armées étrangères visait pour Kabila à trouver une légitimité interne et designer de son regard les vrais responsables des massacres et crimes dont l’ONU l’accuse.
Comme la dérision kinoise désigne les ministres de Kabila, ceux-ci furent recrutés sur internet et par les hommes du FPR rwandais en Europe, Afrique du Sud et aux Usa.. La plupart sans formation et expérience conducted a serious professional management of visual navigation with the known consequences.
Although the U.S. has funded the operation Kabila, via Uganda and Rwanda, their policy of "trade not aid" that excludes bilateral and reinforces the unequal exchange we seem disadvantageous for the Zaire-Congo in need a massive help. The European model, that even many Africans by the effect of conformity to the dominant discourse eager to devote to public obloquy, is paradoxically more beneficial if he met a Congolese government responsible and conscious development. 12ONU, Team Report Investigation of the Secretary-General on the serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the Democratic Republic of Congo, unpublished, New York, 1998. International Commission on Non-Governmental massive violations of human rights in Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire) 1996-1997, Report prepared by the CIDPPS / Montreal ASADHO / Kinshasa, June 1998, five pp116.13
But their refusal to translated from current rebellion troops rwandoougandaises is certainly justified by the injunctions of their respective governments who believe that the agreements with Kabila were not performed. Hence the logic of double or quits: Destroy Kabila need and seize power in Congo and the Congolese blow to nationalize. Recall that this is the fourth time that these foreign troops Tutsi challenge the authority of Kabila. We will recall the statements of Paul Kagame in July 1997 on the central role played by the army in the rise of Kabila, just as one remembers the noticeable absence of presidents of Uganda and Rwanda to commemorate the first anniversary of to power by Kabila, is remembered statements Ruhimbika Muller (voice Kagame) in March 1998 on BBC etannonçant a future war conquest of Kivu, one may recall the last new geopolitical axis Ngouesso Sassou-Dos Santos-Museveni-Kagame in the sub-region. This regional isolation rings does the end of the era Kabila and what benefit to the Congolese people?. You do not change the scenario that has already won strategists say rwandoougandais. It is a remake of the scenario started in 1996 by strategists rwandoougandais with their American advisers. While an assault or attempted short foreign occupation, as we talk of rebellion in 1996 Tutsi Banyamulenge, so we know that this ethnic group does not exceed 10,000 members in South Kivu and unable to deploy a demographic war effort required the current conflict. As in 1996 to avoid media questions to the cause or feeling bombarded fanciful figures (400,000 apparently). As in 1996 the Rwanda massive influx of troops in Kivu has been recognized by various sources including the UN - not his involvement while expressing understandings already (more if necessary) for the "Banyamulenge". The Rwandan media put in place over the psychological and media war that was fatal to Mobutu. 13 this occupation rebellion begins with the refusal the Ugandan James Kaberere be resigned July 11, 1998 from his position as Chief of Staff of the FCC - to become military advisor to the president - to the benefit of the Congolese Katanga Celestin Kifwa. Proconsuls rwandoougandais (Bizimana Karaha, Deogracias Bugera, Moise Nyarugabo ,....) have gone directly from Kinshasa. Why do people who claimed Congolese nationality (even if we know they are foreigners) could flee because the Head of State put an end to the presence of foreign troops that are not theirs 14 It is probable that this declaration was premature in relation to the state Preparation of the offensive by his "brothers" Rwanda-Uganda, that the complainant yelled later manipulation made by indigenous ethnic groups in Kivu against the Tutsi "Banyamulenge". Recent events prove otherwise. 6 Kabila will do-he face?. His media workers, as Trimedia Switzerland, they will weigh heavily in the offensive and play their 15 or they ally themselves to the highest bidders that are the crusaders of globalization?. If the question of nationality is more marketable, the verbosity pseudo-democracy is mentioned by Rwandan actors who do not want democracy among them-but also the thesis of o-ethnic tribal conflicts that are popular in many Western public opinion. They reduce political conflict and class conflict in African ethnic conflicts and simple barbarians. As in 1996 it will be separated from the rest of the Kivu Zaire déclarée16 soon as Kabila and finally in 1996 the Rwandan-Ugandan found toy Congo (Kabambi Ilunga, Sylvain Mbuchi) to serve as their cover. Before the UN and the Western allies can thus maintain the thesis of a Congolese rebel properly and therefore get the inaction of these global players because 15 In July 1998 Michael Tshefu, economic adviser Kabila, commenting on their contract with TRIIMEDIA amounted to more than 180,000 Swiss francs (weather) of Western agencies believed that communication was better than all the embassies. But if the Congo, Kabila had difficulty maintaining all missions Congolese, could not he at least target the major international cities like Geneva, Brussels, Washington, Tokyo, Paris, London, Moscow, Beijing, Brasilia and Pretoria? 16 The Rwandan-Ugandan hiding behind the "Banyamulenge" come to know that they demanded that their "du" promoted by Kabila .. As this claim is supposed to be Tutsi "Banyamulenge" which claimed Zairian nationality in 1996 and does not know what happened to it, it remains unclear how Zairian supposedly require that the Balkanization of their own country in favor of a foreign country, Rwanda, on behalf of their single ethnicity. To whom are they loyal in this case and what does this imply?. If these people are actually Kivu how can they even claim their own province where they live, unless they mean that we must erase the other ethnic groups in Kivu?. An ethnic minority, even if it Zaire, 50,000 people (if we include the Tutsi of North Kivu since all took ethnonym the controversial Banyamulenge) believes that all 8 million of other non-ethnic Tutsi of Kivu are his due from which it must rule r that is slavery and apartheid. What is the due of these 8 million unarmed that do like to live in peace on their ancestral lands from which even the international community tends to endorse the expropriation and expulsion? 7 does not also require them to condemn any crime of aggression under the UN charter. The non-independent media access to combat zones allow the massacres of Native every quiétude17. As in 1996 killings of intellectuals and elites Kivu began with the disappearances and deportations. Food frustrated politicians in Kinshasa or exiles began arriving to pay their accounts to Kabila and endorse the operation. Good camouflage for the aggressors. Arthur Zahidi Ngoma: a card to cheat the people of Kivu and isolate them from other Congolese. The paradoxical triumph of new alliances. Recruiting Zahidi Ngoma, a former opposition to Kabila, whose fate has touched the view following his incarceration almost bestial, aims for the Rwanda-Uganda to double diversion. Getting in international opinion that from the former Kivu Region 18 can not accept the foreign occupation. Z'ahidi Ngoma only comes from a province that is not part of the spatial field of confrontation between the vital and rwandoougandais Bantu border in eastern Kivu. This former UNESCO official who has no army - it could form two months after his release from prison in May 98, though his small party has a base Kinshasa - even if it can be brought to power by foreign armies as Kabila (which he had accused this treason against the nation) will have even more problems for return home. Now for the strategy seeks to isolate populations of non-Tutsi Congolese Kivu and other accreditation Kinshasa perception of the thing that it is the Kivutiens themselves who have sold their region to rwandais20. In Kinshasa and intimidation against citizens hunting Kivu, combined with the insurgents hope to rwandoougandais, n'inaugure Does not the process for a population increasingly caught in the crossfire?. This strategy is pursued by the appointment of some Aboriginal Kivu21 in the direction of virtual motion. Besides Zahidi, who for the Western makers of African regimes represent virginity and youth policy and credibility in an old and corrupt political class Zairian emerging alliances paradoxical blessed by the Western troika (U.S., France, Belgium) for the fall of Kabila. Former leaders "Mobutu" as Thambwe Mwamba (clan Kengo) joining the assault / rebellion in Kivu via Kigali 17 According to the aggressors / rebel France and the USA have only asked them to avoid images of forced population movements, which hit their public opinions. (AFP, 14.08.1998). What with the absence of Western television in land cover contrasts with the enthusiasm shown Kabila during the operation in 1996? 18 Until the controversial territorial division from 1987 to present-day provinces of Maniema, Nod-Kivu, South Kivu were only sub-regions or districts of Kivu. Zahidi Ngoma was born September 18, 1947 at Kalima in Maniema (see prospectus for his party Forces of the Future published in Kinshasa 20 November 1996). 19 See on TV Frannc2 Polemics, October 1996 and also read the Release August 6, 1998, p.6. 20 In September 1996 during the first Rwandan-Ugandan aggression occurs, the envoys of South Kivu to Kinshasa as fires Munzihirwa Bishop and Jean-Pierre Biringanine of UDPS were turned away by politicians of the HCR-PT and Kengo government for whom the case concerned only the people in the east. A crisis erupted between the majority and the minority non Kivutiens of Kivutiens felt betrayed for the umpteenth time. 8 "As with current Nyamwisi Payi and Wa-Payi Siakasige (the Nande's great NordKivu) Ngangura Kasole Mudumbi and Me (the great Bashi ethnic group in South Kivu). The latter was still number 2 of the Office of Immigration Kabila is married to a Rwandan Tutsi. He owes his ascension to his personal friend Lindiro Kabirigi. Lindiro is a Congolese Tutsi born in Rwanda and Goma parents who until 1996 was Almighty in research funding through local NGOs to international NGOs based in Bujumbura PREFED. they had been ousted in 1997, France - which propels Zahidi uses brigades without borders Tutsi while there is still a few months plans to Kigali and Kampala accused as four years of supporting the achievement of genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda. Former "Mobutu" and Angolan armed. What terms of secret agreements linking these beasts of realpolitik?. Intends to play what role in the operation remains discreet? 22. Convergence of Western interests in the new weigh alliances that carry the seeds of disintegration. For example, the 4 clans Mobutu (kengistes technocrats Nimy Mayidika group, the division of intellectual thought but rigorous General Likulia, Mobutu's son and allies, the generals Nzimbi and Baramoto and company) will align them?. Even if they come home at all costs. Have a credible program to offer after 32 years of managing criminal?. These extra-national alliances can bring solutions to national priorities remain the guarantee of sovereignty and national unity, rule of law and democracy Congolese politicians, whose struggle to make a joint fund national non-negotiable?. A bet for Kabila: leave the clothes of a resistance leader to those of a statesman. It is possible to resolve the Congo crisis if the national and international actors are given the will and means to achieve it. The Congolese should remember to work to find a lasting consensus based on the establishment of a democratic constitutional state alone could guarantee the rights and freedoms of individuals and ethnic groups'';. Surfing the patriotism Congolese humiliated for the second time by the Rwandan not enough for them to Kabila out. Kabila says he will resume the initiative offered an opportunity to repair a year of dashed hopes DUCK CUT 24 22 12 August 1998 confirms that the Elysee seven months since the alleged plot against Kabila, of course with the U.S. downstream, which was led among others by the Rwandan Deogracias BUGERA who has traveled in Europe for this. This suggests that the withdrawal of foreign forces aborted the country was the spark expected by the "international conspiracy" to activate the operation in the form of rebellion coupled with aggression. We give the concept of ethnic sense etymological people. We believe that building a democratic state implies not evacuate ethnicity to ensure that equality, democratic participation, nondiscrimination, and state protection is provided to all its communities. In a multiethnic country like the DR Congo this question worth asking. DRC is no ethnic majority. Amnesty International, Democratic Republic of Congo. A Year of Hopes dashed, unpublished, London, May 1998, p. 12. Liberalize the political process to prepare with all elections for all and build national consensus around a Update of the institutions from the CNS and finalized in 1994 would be the starting point of this approach. This should sound the formation of a transitional government implementing a national minimum program (restore national integrity and secure the withdrawal of foreign armies under the control of a UN force, ensuring the rule of law, changing how the international credibility, national census and settlement of the question of nationality of the "Banyamulenge" according to the procedures of individual acquisition, hold general elections based on a strict timetable for compliance). This firm transition should bring together people from different political forces, with a national base and not compromised in the management Mobutu. Kabila is also expected to once and for all inform the country about the size of the foreign forces that led to power their location on the national territory and the terms and timing of their repatriation. The political visibility and vision necessary to Kabila rally demanding to leave the clothes of the maquis to a man of the modern state. Remain to prevent the search for a national consensus might be hijacked by Kabila to confiscate the same desire for democratic change citizens. But do not fall into the trap of uncertain change mirrored by the aggressors / rebel Kabila brought into the fold in 1996. In the immediate Kabila will avoid the mistakes it not for what his former allies want to grow?. He will avoid the confusion between legitimate war against foreign troops hunting insurgents and possible facies of the peaceful foreign Rwandan Tutsi and other "Banyamulenge" which would violate human rights?. A mistake here would serve the strategy of the Tutsi tormented (and criminalization of non-Tutsi) dear to Kagame and Museveni. What would keep intact the commiseration of the international community vis-à-vis the Tutsi regimes allowing them to continue their goals in DR Congo, but also to continue to lock the opening and sharing policies with the majority Hutu as Bantu or ideology in vogue. Kabila would also endorse the cap of double genocide. Avoid "he, among other tensions that are eager to stoke between Katanga and other Congolese allies of yesterday? .
International society is needed this time to recognize and condemn the violation of Congolese territory by foreign forces and punish the aggression. At this stage it would be the situation According to the UN to remind the governments concerned the principle of inviolability of borders and put pressure on them for acts contrary to international law does continue to give rise to yet another humanitarian catastrophe in the sub-region. The UN had already passed a resolution in 1997 for the withdrawal of foreign forces from the former Zaire has had to reactivate this especially as it would answer this time was a popular will and internal decision
According propaganda during Nilotic Tutsi minority would be threatened by the majority Bantu (Hutu in Rwanda and Burundi, and other ethnic groups in eastern DR Congo). This gave rise to the more fanciful proposals initiated or supported at various times by certain powers. They include the idea of dumping the Hutus of Rwanda and Burundi in eastern Congo without considering the Congolese people, create and Tutsi Hutuland ands ie dl'apartheid and ethnic cleansing legalized dominance Total Tutsi in the region it seems to protect themselves and not others, the special rights and extra-constitutional for the Tutsis as a "require the" Banyamulenge ". To read about the Group for Reflection and Analysis on the Zaire-Congo, How to restore peace in eastern Congo (ex-Zaiire)?. Minutes of the informal meeting of trade between Synergies Africa, Group Reflection and Analysis on the Zaire-Congo, The Collective action for Human Rights, and Campaign for Peace / Milima Group, Geneva, November 1997, 24pp. Far from being intractable conflicts that may arise between the groups in question can be managed in a democratic society, not fascist societies where one or the other 's subjugation by the guns. Public international law against a globalization? It's no secret that armées rwando-ougandaises sont à la base de la guerre et continuent d’entrer par les provinces occupées du Nord et Sud-Kivu. Un responsable d’organisation non gouvernementale contacté dans le Kivu reconnaissait après le premier meeting de la « rébellion » le vendredi 7 août 1998 à Bukavu : a ...Les armées rwandaises, ougandaises et autres comme en 1996 entrent massivement au Kivu. Ils ont commencé à rafler les véhicules des privés et des organisations non gouvernementales pour aller au front. Face à cette occupation continuelle quelques politiciens zairois venus d’on ne sait où font semblant d’assurer la direction du mouvement et se donner les airs de chefs. Personne n’est duped by these opportunists because fustrés were booed by a population of Bukavu in disagreement at this first meeting forced ... . an established power. This pattern is unlikely to advance as one of master games, Washington has understood the motivations of the governments of Rwanda and Uganda and the implementation required a corridor called security in the East. Kivu is about to be "Lebanonization" and the integrity of the Congo questioned. As in 1996, the OAU and African accompany events by day highs (like the latest held in Zimbabwe where the masters of the game as the insurgents were absent, although the nature of the conflict to be resolved was dodged: rebellion or aggression?). Preliminary findings and proposals: We must remember that this war is in any case a war of aggression. WHEN a foreign army rebels on a foreign country and simultaneously receive reinforcements from his country of origin, we can not talk of rebellion. Alliances between the opposing forces are paradoxical, and therefore potentially fluctuating according to the orders and commitments received massive Western masters. This also applies to the Congolese opposition prohibited and which remains dependent on foreign allegiance. The problem
for the country is the lack of a new generation of young political outcome which reference and legitimation are primarily internal. The cause of Kabila could be quickly lost if he committed errors that seek to make him do his former allies, cons by dialogue and immediate political opening could give him another card even though in all cases would come out weakened. With the advantage that it can enjoy for a departure Hon. The Congolese do they realize the danger that lurks in their sanctioning armed intervention in neighboring countries that have territorial ambitions on their country? This war is like that of 1996-1997 a war not only local or regional, it is also international in favor of international finance, globalization, although it may take the shape of a clash of civilizations expensive to Samuel Huntington. It is no longer conducted solely by white mercenaries, castigated by Mobutu in a speech on October 4 197 327 to the United Nations, but also by "brothers" black Africans equally ruthless. The current slow growth of the attackers rebels and especially on the Eastern Front can be explained by the absence of Western contributions to supplement the massive disarmament strategy of some Congolese soldiers garrisoned strongly rwandisées. This front may have the role of diversion in favor of the Bas-Congo Kinshasa, which would directly and asphyxia which began with the cutoff of electricity from Inga (13, .8. 1998), which also affect the Katanga mines with the line Inga-Shaba. Dixit: "... In the town of Bukavu in eastern Zaire, a mercenary white, from Europe, had proclaimed, without laughing, President of the Republic of Zaire. If a black man had done in Europe, it would have taken pqur humor in bad taste or a deranged mind. But since it was a white who was in Africa, the colonialists had mobilized the press, radio and television to make it its disposal not only to advertise, but also to ridicule the Head del'État Zaire, I am ,.... . See Department of National Orientation, Speech at the UN Thursday, October 4, 1973, Kinshasa, p.6. The current war would, at least for the Congo-Zaire, almost absolute lie a few simple ideas that were conveyed by the actors on the world Africa. It is far from new African leaders working for harmony, peace and well-being. No more charismatic and dictatorial power under the label of a strong men "can not ensure the construction of a modern state and national consciousness putting man at the center of political action. The current war also belies the idea advanced by the end of current states, on behalf of Pan-Africanism misty for others. The idea of Etatnation took root in Africa and no one wants anyone to touch her disadvantage on its borders. Kabila has refused to cede any territory Congolese Tutsi refugees at his Rwandan allies whom he had promoted twice (196428 and 1996) in return for their support to seize power in Kinshasa, that's worth considering. Out of the current crisis means for the Congolese political actors, aided by international society, to obtain a withdrawal of foreign armies, the Congo and the opening of a broad national dialogue for the redefinition of a transition (in a plural sense) towards democratization and economic recovery. To avoid the issue of nationality of the Tutsi "banvamulenge" only continues to be manipulated by foreign powers to justify harmful interventions in Congo, a national census to identify urger Kivu against the law in effect Congolese law regardless ethnicity, Rwandan immigrants legal and illegal. The application should allow individual who wants to acquire Congolese nationality, knowing the rights and duties that implies loyalty vis-à-vis their country of adoption. Humanitarian organizations Nations Centre for Human Rights, organizations serious national and international human rights observers should participate in this operation by the Congolese authorities. This "temporary foreign interference" requested by the Congolese government would guarantee the rights and duties of each other (majorities and minorities). Read VERHAEGEN Benedict, "From Congo to Zaire in 1964 1997: Similarities and differences", in Marysse, S. and REYTJENS, F. (eds), The Great Lakes of Africa. Yearbook 1996-1997, Editions L'Harmattan, Paris, p.193195. He argues that Kabila and his chief Soumialot promised the Rwandan Tutsi refugees Congolese territory near the border where there are already large colonies of Tutsi immigrants. Territories "haggled" includes the territories of Babembe of Bavira (South Kivu) to Rutshuru (territory of the indigenous Congolese Hutus Rwandophones) a band 800 km long and 400 wide. These land claims
Tutsi resemble those in which the media have reported since 1996 with the first-Ugandan invasion rwandoburundo brought Kabila to power.
But today it would no longer be a price paid for collaboration, but supposedly legitimate rights. Since the beginning of 1200 U.S. Marines attack on two ships crossed off the Atlantic coast but also other Congolese troops already prepositioned in Gabon.
Exhibition of force against Kabila, these forces could they not be such a multinational force to monitor the withdrawal, but also help train a Congolese national army, and especially for a period of 3 years "secure" the borders sensitive of the Congo (the East and with Angola)?. 30 Benoît Verhaegen (op.cit, pl89-1990) discusses the situation in 1996: "... The term Banyamulenge who appointed at first a small group of Rwandan pastors few thousand immigrants in the nineteenth century in the mountains of Itombwe in South Kivu, was then used to refer to all Tutsis from Rwanda in Zaire emigrants , that is to say hundreds of thousands of people. The term has been totally diverted from its original meaning. So he had to identify the specificity of the small group of Tutsi immigrants Itombwe longstanding and integrated into the regional economy, as distinct waves of emigration over recent, he designated by sequential contagion all emigrants Tutsi of Rwanda.
incompetence and bias of journalists have largely contributed to the distortion of meaning. " In this confusion determine the rights and status of each other through a census seriously.
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